[ publish the speech Piero Calamandrei delivered on 11 February 1950 the third congress of the Association in Defence of the national school. A long speech, dense and, in its actuality, disturbing. If certain subjects were already so feel sixty years ago, one wonders what has been done, in practice, to date and where we stand (some answers and ideas in this essential reading ).
The bold and the italics are ours. I'm totally partial and insufficient to understand the significance of his words, but should have been highlighting entire sentences or paragraphs. So we focused on some of the most significant.
Good reading]
(...) The school, as I see it, is an organ of "constitutional". It has its place, its importance to the center of the complex of organs that make up the Constitution. As you know (you all have read our Constitution), in the second part of the Constitution, what is called "state law" describes those organs through which it expresses the will of the people. Those organs through which policy becomes law, vital and healthy political struggles are transformed into laws. Now, when you can think of asking what are the constitutional bodies, all of you will naturally answer: are the houses, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate, the President of the Republic, the Judiciary, but there will think of between these bodies also consider the school, which is a vital organ instead of democracy as we conceive. If you were to make a comparison between the constitutional body and the human organism, one would say that the school corresponds to those organs which have the function in the human body to create blood (...).
The school, the central organ of democracy, because it helps to solve what we believe is the central problem of democracy: the formation of the ruling class. The formation of the ruling class, not only in the sense of the political class, that class that is sitting in Parliament and discuss and talk (and even screaming) that is at the top of the organs most specifically political but also cultural and leadership in the technical sense: those who are in charge of shops and businesses, teaching, writing, artists, professionals, poets. This is the problem of democracy, the creation of this class, which should not be a hereditary caste , closed, an oligarchy, a church, a priesthood, an order. No. In our thinking about democracy, the ruling class must be open and constantly renewed by the influx to the top of the best elements of all classes, of all categories . Each class, each class must be able to leave upwards its best elements, because each of them may temporarily, temporarily, for that brief moment of life that fate allows each of us, helping to bring his work, his best personal qualities to the advancement of society ( ...). must serve democracy, allowing every man worthy to have his share of sunshine and dignity. But this can only do so the school, which is the corollary of universal suffrage. The school, which has precisely this character up a political sense, because it alone can help you choose , it can only help to create people worthy of being chosen, which normally surface from all walks of life.
You see, this image is enshrined in a constitutional article, albeit with a less imaginative formula. "Article. 34, where it is said: "The school is open to all. Capable and deserving pupils, even without financial resources, have the right to attain the highest levels of education." This is the most important article of our Constitution. One must appreciate the political and social value of this article. Seminarium rei I published, said the Latin marriage. We could say the school: I published seminarium offenders: the school draws the best for the rinnovazione continua, quotidiana della classe dirigente. Ora, se questa è la funzione costituzionale della scuola nella nostra Repubblica, domandiamoci: com'è costruito questo strumento? Quali sono i suoi principi fondamentali? Prima di tutto, scuola di Stato. Lo Stato deve costituire le sue scuole. Prima di tutto la scuola pubblica. Prima di esaltare la scuola privata bisogna parlare della scuola pubblica. La scuola pubblica è il prius, quella privata è il posterius. Per aversi una scuola privata buona bisogna che quella dello Stato sia ottima. Vedete, noi dobbiamo prima di tutto mettere l'accento su quel comma dell'art. 33 della Costituzione che dice cos": "La Repubblica detta le norme generali sull'istruzione ed istituisce scuole statali per tutti gli ordini e gradi" (...).
When public school is so strong and confident, then, but only then, the private school is not dangerous. Then, but only then, the private school can be an asset. It can be a good thing that private forces, educational initiatives of classes, religious groups, political groups, philosophies, cultural trends of, cooperate with the state to expand, to stimulate, and renew attempts with a variety of culture. In family law, enshrined in another article of the Constitution, Article 30, to instruct and educate their children, this opportunity is to be given to families to make their children attend schools of their choice and then allow the establishment of schools that best correspond with certain guarantees that we will now see the political preferences, religious, cultural of that family. But let us make well aware that while the public school is an expression of unity, cohesion, civic equality , to the private school is an expression of diversity, which may mean heterogeneity of current decentralized system which the State must prevent the currents become disintegrating. The private school, in other words, it is designed to this.
School of the Republic, the state school, the school is not a philosophy, a religion, a political party, a sect. So because private schools can be a good rising and not a danger, you must: (1) that the State and monitor the controls and that are neutral, impartial between them. does not favor one group of private schools to the detriment of others. (2) that private schools correspond to certain minimum level of seriousness of organization. Only in this way and other more precise, that are soon to tell, you can have the advantage of co-existence of public schools with private school. The race is between the schools statali e le private. Che si stabilisca una gara tra le scuole pubbliche e le scuole private, in modo che lo Stato da queste scuole private che sorgono, e che eventualmente possono portare idee e realizzazioni che finora nelle scuole pubbliche non c'erano, si senta stimolato a far meglio, a rendere, se mi sia permessa l'espressione, "più ottime" le proprie scuole. Stimolo dunque deve essere la scuola privata allo Stato, non motivo di abdicazione.
Ci siano pure scuole di partito o scuole di chiesa. Ma lo Stato le deve sorvegliare, le deve regolare; le deve tenere nei loro limiti e deve riuscire a far meglio di loro. La scuola di Stato , insomma, deve essere una garanzia , perché non si scivoli in quello che sarebbe la fine della scuola e forse la fine della democrazia e della libertà, cioè nella scuola di partito. Come si fa a istituire in un paese la scuola di partito? Si può fare in due modi. Uno è quello del totalitarismo aperto, confessato. Lo abbiamo esperimentato, ahimè. Credo che tutti qui ve ne ricordiate, quantunque molta gente non se ne ricordi più. Lo abbiamo sperimentato sotto il fascismo. Tutte le scuole diventano scuole di Stato: la scuola privata non è più permessa, ma lo Stato diventa un partito e quindi tutte le scuole sono scuole di Stato, ma per questo sono anche scuole di partito. Ma c'è un'altra forma per arrivare to transform the school in the State party school or sect. Totalitarianism subtle, indirect, torpid, sluggish like some pneumonias that are without fever, but are dangerous. Let us assume, so theoretically, there is a ruling party, a ruling party, which, however, formally wants to respect the constitution, not want to violate the substance. It does not make the march on Rome and transform the classroom space for the paddles, but wants to establish, without opinion, a disguised dictatorship. So, what to do to gain control of schools and to transform the State schools into Party schools? He realizes that the State schools have the defect of being impartial. There is a certain resistance, in those schools is always there, even under fascism has been there. Then, the dominant party follows another path (it's all a theoretical hypothesis, mind you). Start neglecting public schools, to discredit, to impoverish. Let it anemizzino and begins to encourage private schools . Not all private schools. The schools of his party, that party. And then all these treatments are beginning to go to private schools. Cure of money and privileges. It begins even advise the boys to go to these schools , because basically it says are better than those of the state. And maybe give themselves awards, as now I will tell you, or proposes to give awards to citizens who are willing to send their children to public schools rather than private schools. A "those" private schools. exams are easier, unless you study and you do best . So the private school becomes a privileged school. The ruling party, could not transform the State schools openly in Party schools, send the dogs to schools to give priority to the state's private schools.
careful, friends, this conference this is the point that we must discuss. Warning, this is the recipe. We must keep an eye on i cuochi di questa bassa cucina. L'operazione si fa in tre modi :
(1) ve l'ho già detto: rovinare le scuole di Stato. Lasciare che vadano in malora. Impoverire i loro bilanci. Ignorare i loro bisogni.
(2) Attenuare la sorveglianza e il controllo sulle scuole private . Non controllarne la serietà. Lasciare che vi insegnino insegnanti che non hanno i titoli minimi per insegnare. Lasciare che gli esami siano burlette.
(3) Dare alle scuole private denaro pubblico . Questo è il punto. Dare alle scuole private denaro pubblico!
Quest'ultimo is the most dangerous. "The most dangerous phase of the whole operation (...). This then is the point, is the most dangerous method. Money for all citizens, all taxpayers of all believers in different religions, all belonging to different parties, which instead is intended to contribute to the schools of one religion, one sect, of one party.
To predict this risk, it did not take a lot of mischief. During the Constituent Assembly, to prevent it in art. 33 of the Constitution was put this provision: "Public and private persons have the right to establish schools and educational institutions at no cost to the state." As you know this arose from a compromise formula, and like all the formulas presented by a compromise, offering the right today to sophistical interpretations (...). But there's another issue that came up, which should allow to circumvent the law. This is what we lawyers call the "circumvention of the law", which is that something that customers ask causidici unscrupulous, to which the customer is directed to find out how it can break the law to observe figuring (...) . And so out came the idea of \u200b\u200bfamily allowance, of 'family allowance school.
Minister of Education at the International Congress of the Family Institute, said the school private should be used to "stimulate" the most non-state expenditures for education, but should not be excluded that the state gives subsidies to private schools. But he added: think, if a father wants to send his son to private school, they need to pay taxes. And this father is a citizen as a taxpayer who has already paid his fee to participate in the spending that the state pays for public schools. So this poor father has to pay twice the fee. Then this worthy citizen who wants to send her son to private school, to lift this double burden, it is given a family allowance. Who wants to send her son to private school, then turns to the state and has a subsidy check.
send his son to private school is a right, so says the Constitution, but is a right to have it pay? "A right one, if you want, not exercise, but at their own expense. The citizen who wants to send her son to private school, if you pay, if not send him to public school.
To take a comparison, in the field of Justice could make a similar speech. You know how to get justice courts are public, however, citizens have the right to decide their dispute even by the officials. But arbitration is expensive and often costs hundreds of thousands of dollars. Yet it has never occurred to a citizen who preferisca ai giudici pubblici l'arbitrato, di rivolgersi allo Stato per chiedergli un sussidio allo scopo di pagarsi gli arbitri! (...). Dunque questo giuoco degli assegni familiari sarebbe, se fosse adottato, una specie di incitamento pagato a disertare le scuole dello Stato e quindi un modo indiretto di favorire certe scuole, un premio per chi manda i figli in certe scuole private dove si fabbricano non i cittadini e neanche i credenti in una certa religione, che può essere cosa rispettabile, ma si fabbricano gli elettori di un certo partito.
To take a comparison, in the field of Justice could make a similar speech. You know how to get justice courts are public, however, citizens have the right to decide their dispute even by the officials. But arbitration is expensive and often costs hundreds of thousands of dollars. Yet it has never occurred to a citizen who preferisca ai giudici pubblici l'arbitrato, di rivolgersi allo Stato per chiedergli un sussidio allo scopo di pagarsi gli arbitri! (...). Dunque questo giuoco degli assegni familiari sarebbe, se fosse adottato, una specie di incitamento pagato a disertare le scuole dello Stato e quindi un modo indiretto di favorire certe scuole, un premio per chi manda i figli in certe scuole private dove si fabbricano non i cittadini e neanche i credenti in una certa religione, che può essere cosa rispettabile, ma si fabbricano gli elettori di un certo partito.
Poi, nella riforma, c'è la questione della parità. L'art. 33 della Costituzione nel comma che si riferisce equality, said: "The law, in determining rights and obligations of private education, which calls for equality, it must ensure freedom, a treatment equivalent to that of state schools" (...). Equality, yes, but we must remember that first of all, before granting equality, the state, says the same art. 33, to fix the rights and obligations of the school that gives this tie, and remember that for another paragraph of that article, the state has the task of presenting the general rules on education. So this equality does not mean surrender to ensure, to check the reliability of the studies, programs, teacher qualifications, seriousness evidence. words must avoid this nauseating system, this repulsive system is encouraging schools to compete with the downward : that the state promotes not only the competition of private schools with public schools but that the state encourages this competition in favor of the school where teaching worse, with a real encouragement official bestiality (...).
However, this reform gives me the impression that those figures were fashionable when I was a kid. In those figures could be seen forests, trees, ponds, mountains, all a tangle of branches and birds and many other beautiful things and then under was written: find the hunter. Then, by dint of trying, in a corner, was the hunter with his gun leveled. Although the reform is the hunter with a gun leveled. "The private school that wants to turn into a privileged school. This is the point that matters. Everything else, astronomical figures of billions, will be far in the future, but the private school, if you're not careful, you really really tomorrow. The private school becomes a privileged school and from there begins the totalitarian school, the transformation from school to school in the Democratic party.
And then there's another danger, perhaps even more serious. The danger of disintegration morale of the school. This sense of distrust, cynicism, rather than skepticism that is spreading in schools, especially among young people, is very significant. "The sunset of the ideas of the old school of Gaetano Salvemini, Augusto Monti: reliability, accuracy, honesty, punctuality. These simple ideas. Doing their duty, to teach. And that school is a school of character, forming consciences, to forming honest and loyal. Is spreading the idea that all this is over, that is no more. Today valid support, recommendations, pieces of a party or a parish. The religion that is in itself a serious matter, perhaps most serious, because the most serious thing in life is death, it becomes a despicable excuse for doing their business. This is the danger: the school's moral decay. It is not the school of priests that frightens us, because one hundred years ago there were schools where priests could teach Latin and Italian, which brought forth such men as Carducci. What particularly scares are dishonest, men without character, without faith, without opinions. Ten years ago these men were Fascists, five years ago words were anti-fascists, and now are back under different names, that is, in substance fascist profiteers of the system.
And there is a Another danger to be overcome by discouragement . But we must not be overcome by discouragement. You see, it was rightly said that whoever won the war of 1918 was the Italian school, because those boys, whose bodies are still on the Carso, came out of our schools and our colleges and our universities. But look also at the liberation and resistance that the same thing happened. There were professors and teachers who have given wonderful examples, from prison to martyrdom. A teacher who for many years serenely facing jail fascist is here among us. And all of us, old teachers we have in our heart the names of any students who were able to withstand the torture, which gave blood for the freedom of Italy. Think of these guys that came out of our schools and our thinking about them, do not despair of the future. We are faithful to the Resistance. We must, friends, schools continue to defend the strength and continuity of moral conscience.
Piero Calamandrei, 1950
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